The EU bureaucracy forces our country into a self-defense battle.

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Ma az EU bürokráciája kényszeríti hazánkat önvédelmi harcra

The policy of the great powers has overwhelmed the profession, making societies vulnerable.


It is surprising when authors with writing skills only use vitriol and sharp, cutting pens to write their publications. Disconnected from facts, their errors disguised with the appearance of objectivity are presented as truth so confidently that upon reading their writings, no one dares – or perhaps does not want to – confront them. However, sometimes it must be attempted. To be clear: even though history may seem to repeat itself, it is never exactly the same series of events. However, it can provide an example for future generations.

And those who state this are not doing anything that is offensive, tasteless, or historically incorrect in referring to past circumstances. It is difficult to refute with facts that

modern-day Russia in no way compares to the former Soviet Union, despite efforts to disprove the validity of this statement.

It is also difficult to argue that the dubious resolution of internal political party disputes through external military assistance, in order to help one rival or another remain in power, is a responsible action. Those responsible for the suppression of the Hungarian revolution of 1956 are not to be found abroad, while the actions of our heroes do not require the defense of Western-backed and instructed opposition writers and politicians.

Sixty-eight years ago, the Hungarian Communist Party leadership called in foreign troops, who then suppressed the Hungarian Revolution. It was suppressed because the “defenders,” taking seriously the encouragement – mainly American – coming from the West, felt they were not alone when facing off against a regular army, thinking that help was on the way.


Of course, let’s be fair to America, because albeit late, the helping hand eventually arrived and can be clearly seen through the “benevolent” work of the American ambassadors stationed in our country over the past one and a half decades. They have a historical example before them: the 2014 Kiev, Maidan square. In other words, internal turmoil, violent overthrow of the elected government.

Perhaps it is not given, as it is in Ukraine, that in the eastern counties of the country, about twenty thousand Russian-nationality Ukrainian citizens dissatisfied with the decisions of the American puppet government are allowed by Kiev to be slaughtered by the Nazi Azov “freelance unit.” And let’s admit it, in ’56 there was no agreement similar to the Minsk accords, to prevent the entry of Soviet troops into our country, while in Ukraine it aimed to prevent the entry of the Russian army.

If by all means – due to political speculation – the comparison of the two historical events is considered a mistake, there is still a multiple commonality—but not with Russia overthrowing the Soviet Union, but with the United States. This great power. They once abandon, then support with weapons, while unnecessary casualties – not of American citizens – are the end result. The political philosophy of great powers, which is exclusively true for them, is infinitely simple: What’s good for me?

Examining the decisions of the White House, it is difficult to conclude that everyone is at fault except the government and economic interests of the United States, who see themselves as the bastion of democracy. In these instructive circumstances, what is shocking to the world is that the present Hungarian government is one of the few that would think twice before provoking any military power for foreign interests.

Especially when it would put Hungarian lives at risk. The multi-round, far-reaching, and artificially generated political provocations of our times highlight one of the greatest challenges of our era: politics has overshadowed the profession, rendering societies vulnerable.


It is within the realm of possibility to imagine that a situation may arise where, once again, in symbolic places of ’56, such as Corvin köz, the Hungarian interest would need to be defended with arms. It cannot come to pass, as the battle has been raging for quite some time. How else can it be interpreted that

the NATO high command questions Hungary because it does not want to provide weapons for an unjust war, supporting the destruction of people, and does not want to send Hungarian youth to the battlefield to increase the profits of weapons manufacturers?

Or is it not seen as an attack when the bureaucracy of the European Union withholds the funds that Hungary is obligated to receive, while others receive them? These are battles, the combined fire of external political powers forcing a sovereign state into a defensive struggle while systematically trying to “shoot down” those who are already fighting on the frontlines to defend the homeland. Furthermore, whether overtly or covertly, certain elites from “friendly” foreign countries would prefer to see the streets of Budapest transformed into a real battleground, with the help of external military forces trying to remove the elected Hungarian government.

The errors and mistakes of politics could be corrected by the profession if it recognized that in some cases, certain politicians, having grown above their heads, do not represent national interests. The world has turned upside down: in the past – as Raimondo Montecuccoli said – “money, money, and money” was needed for war. Today, it is war that needs money.

What does the profession do in such times? Whom or what does it protect? The soldier knows the breath of death, but politicians do not have such an experience. Perhaps if they also experienced the horrors of the frontlines, they would come to the idea of a ceasefire more quickly in times of armed conflict. And this brings us to a truly slippery area. In the events of our century, a challenge has emerged that poses a double threat to alternativeless democracies. One of the lessons learned is that a growing portion of the self-proclaimed political elite ranges from the foolish to the cunning evil-doer. From this follows that it is high time within the political arena for a “regime change,” a sort of – not at the academic level – aptitude test. Without this, the “profession” may rebel against reason and the majority’s interests. Is it worth waiting for this?


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